The Pandemic Politics in Indonesia: A Comparative Perspective
ANYUALATHA HARIDISON1*, YUWANTO2, LAILA KHOLID ALFIRDAUS2, WIJAYANTO2
1Department of Government, University of Palangka Raya, INDONESIA
2Departement of Political Science and Government Studies, Diponegoro University, INDONESIA
*Corresponding Author
Abstract: - This manuscript aims to examine the political literature on the pandemic in Indonesia, especially
regarding the relationship between politics and the COVID-19 pandemic without leaving the exploration of the
views of scholars in the world who address the discussion of this relationship. This study produces several
discourses, including, first, countries in the world implement policies depending on the dynamics that exist in
that country. The majority implement a lockdown policy or cut off transmission between regions. Indonesia has
a somewhat looser policy than other countries, namely large-scale social restrictions (PSBB) while still paying
attention to community economic activities. Second, in many cases, electoral trust depends on the successful
handling of the pandemic by the ruling regime or even the steps in handling the pandemic by contesting
candidates. Third, the election of regional heads simultaneously with the crisis in Indonesia is considered
counterfactual. However, the fact is that voter participation has increased from the three previous regional
elections. The true form of Indonesian political culture is implied by the actions of the people who respect
elections and prioritize health protocols. Fourth, the recommendation of the scholars is the application of
political digitization in voting which requires a comprehensive study, especially regarding the readiness of
Indonesian technology.
Key-Words: - Pandemic politics; COVID-19; regional head elections; political digitization; Indonesia
Received: December 15, 2022. Revised: March 31, 2023. Accepted: April 12, 2023. Published: May 20, 2023.
1 Introduction
The term pandemic political emerged when the
world's citizens were shocked by the presence of
COVID-19 which threatens millions of lives in the
world. The Politics of Pandemic is a series of
reflections on the impact of COVID-19 on various
political, social, economic, and legal issues around
the world, [1]. Since the COVID-19 pandemic
began, political scientists—even those who are not
initially familiar with public health—have the tools
to develop scholarship and make contributions in
specialized fields, [2].
The COVID-19 pandemic is an infectious viral
infection and disease caused by acute respiratory
syndrome and can transfer the virus from person to
person very quickly and widely. In turn, controlling
human mobility is a solution to breaking the chain
of epidemics, [3]. Countries in the world are
struggling to overcome this global pandemic and
carry out protectionist policies to save their citizens.
On the other hand, some countries have not been
responsive to mitigation plans as a result of the
spread of the virus still being localized in certain
countries. Indonesia is a country that is best
described as such. The sentence that states
"Indonesian people will not be infected with the
coronavirus" is a fact that the Indonesian
government takes the infection of this deadly virus
lightly, [4]. The statement is undeniable and even
Indonesia is ranked as the sixth country with the
most additions of COVID-19 cases in the world.
Many scholars research and provide views
related to the COVID-19 pandemic and relate it to
mitigation policies, electoral politics, economics,
and socio-culture. This article presents a literature
review related to the politics of the pandemic in
Indonesia, especially the relationship between the
COVID-19 pandemic and the field of political
science– the relationship between politics and public
health by tracing journal manuscripts related to it.
This article aims to describe the politics of the
pandemic in Indonesia without omitting a
comparative discussion. The questions asked
include how are the experiences of countries related
to pandemic policy responses?; how has the
COVID-19 pandemic impacted electoral politics
comparatively?; what is the response of scholars
regarding the implementation of regional head
elections in Indonesia in the context of handling the
pandemic?; and finally, what are the future
recommendations for voting in the pandemic era?
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2 Policy Response to the Pandemic
Every day all countries in the world receive data on
the deaths of their citizens due to the ferocity of
COVID-19. The pattern of taking various actions in
handling the pandemic and taking more into account
the characteristics of the people in each country.
However, the perspectives of countries regarding
the COVID-19 pandemic lead to the same
conclusion, namely the priority on human safety.
[5], discussed the spread of COVID-19 in China
from early January to late February 2020, with a
focus on cross-city transmission. They used
counterfactual analysis to measure the impact of
different public health measures while controlling
for social and economic factors and social
distancing. The Chinese government anticipates
population movements across cities, particularly
indicative of geographic and economic similarities.
Observations on the implementation of strict
isolation and lockdown as well as health protocols
reduce the rate of spread of the virus in mid-
February. China's lockdown policies have yielded
significant results and saved millions of infected
people and tens of thousands of deaths.
[6], interprets socio-economic responses to the
events of the COVID-19 outbreak in various
countries. He collects data related to social networks
across national borders to map virus transmission
and analyzes it using global VAR models. The
picture of cross-border interconnections not only
helps in understanding the spread of the virus across
countries but also collects perceptions about the risk
of COVID-19 and measures to maintain social
distance. In the early phase of the pandemic, the
perception of the risk of the coronavirus in most
countries was influenced by the penetration of the
pandemic that came from Italy. Then the ones that
played a big enough role were the United States,
Spain, and England. Global pandemics with health
implications are responded to in a plurality,
however, most are accompanied by delays and
unresponsiveness. Unemployment fluctuated in
various countries as a result of the pandemic,
however, America and Spain were more responsive.
In the United States, [7], studied the policies of
the US governor regarding the COVID-19
pandemic. The focus of observation is the
characteristics of the Governor at the beginning of
the pandemic. They tested the variable of applying
for the isolation order at home. From the analysis, it
was found that if the governor is from the
Democratic Party, there will be more than 50%
implementation isolation at home during the
pandemic. In addition, it is found that the
assumption of 40% of the implementation of home
isolation across the state is for governors without a
term limit rather than governors with a certain limit.
Democratic governors and governors with no term
limits can implement home isolation policies more
quickly than Republican governors. The findings
confirm that there are political facts during the
pandemic that are beyond normal. In other
countries, mitigation and risk management are
strongly influenced by the policies of their
respective local governments. We explore the
differences in Americans' responses to the COVID-
19 pandemic. Political leaders on the right and left
have spoken about the systemic impact of the crisis
and the implications for Republicans' and
Democrats' actions regarding COVID-19 disaster
mitigation efforts. We develop a simple model of
the pandemic response that clarifies the causes and
consequences of heterogeneous responses. We
identified a large sample of mobile users and found
Republican streams implementing social distancing
policies less.
In the early days of the pandemic, Indonesia had
a tug of war regarding the lockdown policy, until in
the future the government decided on the policy,
like other countries, for example, China. Several
protests from most of the Indonesian people are
directed at the government which is considered not
to be concerned with human safety. In terms of
digitization, [8], analyzing Twitter tweets by
buzzers found that these tweets were negative about
the government's failure to make policies to deal
with the pandemic. [9], show the management of
opinions related to the lockdown policy, where the
aspirations of the citizens expect a lockdown while
the Twitter buzzer rejects it. Netizens have become
polarized between those who support and oppose
the lockdown policy. Controversy is a form of
communication crisis, that degrades trust in the
government because it ignores public aspirations.
How the government restores its image by placing a
"buzzer state" which is an informal part of the
government that is involved in activities on social
media to build a rationale for netizens who have
opposing views with the government. Still related to
social media, research by [10], analyzed the
phenomenon of the decline in Indonesia's
democracy index during the pandemic using the
freedom house indicator. Their findings point to a
decline in Indonesia's democracy amid the pandemic
due to the weakening of transparency and freedom
of speech as well as guarantees of human rights.
Empirical facts show the lack of media information
on the use of the COVID-19 handling budget and
several threats to netizens who speak in media
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accounts for criticizing government policies related
to the pandemic.
[11], confirms that the Indonesian government
has implemented various policies to handle the
COVID-19 pandemic, but the main emphasis is
besides policy implementation, public awareness is
very important in understanding the pandemic, and
community participation in complying with health
recommendations and protocols is the key to
successful policy implementation, such as Large-
Scale Social Restrictions (PSBB). The pros and cons
related to the lockdown and PSBB policies were
finally revealed in the findings of [12], in Indonesia.
He measures the public's assessment of the
government's performance in dealing with the
pandemic. According to him, economic conditions
and political choices affect the public's evaluation of
the government's performance in overcoming the
pandemic. In public assessment, the government's
performance is good in dealing with the pandemic
that hit the country. [12], [14], criticized previous
studies, such as the opinion of [13], that the
lockdown policy was not taken not for economic
reasons, but rather because of populist anti-science
and polarization of anti-democratic voices.
However, in this analysis, [12], [14], found that the
public perceives the government's performance as
not bad because such policies are expected by the
people and the government to be understood as an
authority that listens to the public's will, as partisan
opinion shapes government decisions in America.
Furthermore, the sharpening was carried out by
[14], in Yogyakarta. People's behaviour and
attitudes towards PSBB policies in the pandemic era
are related to their political behaviour background,
trust in the government's agility in mitigating
COVID-19, employment, revenue, skill, religion,
and gender. They concluded the policy of easing the
PSBB by allowing residents to work again as before
the COVID-19 period and accompanied by strict
health protocols was a more realistic solution. The
Indonesian government listens to the cries of the
people's hearts and does not do it for pragmatic
reasons.
3 COVID-19 and Electoral Effects: A
Comparative Perspective
Holding elections regularly is an important feature
of democratic practice. However, cases for
postponing elections are often made in emergencies.
Despite the critical nature of the issues of
democracy, peace, and security, there is little
academic literature on postponing elections. In the
context of the pandemic, [15], tries to propose the
latest scheme and outlines the rationale for why the
general election was delayed, except in the case of
natural disasters. The philosophical understanding
of democracy and the substance of elections needs
to be discussed to make decisions to postpone
elections from the executive, legislative, and judicial
branches to be accepted by the community.
Presumably, the decision to postpone the election
based on information from the laws and regulations
will reap a lot of debate.
Nevertheless, the implementation of elections
during a crisis has implications for the disruption of
election management, both in terms of quantity and
quality from the organizer's point of view. On the
other hand, what is bound to happen is a drop in
voter participation. This trend provides a strong
rationale for postponing elections during a crisis.
However, the substantive value of democracy will
not be achieved and there will be a degradation of
trust in institutions if elections are postponed,
especially in a presidential order. [15], proposes a
middle way to overcome this problem by
implementing strict election health protocols, early
elections, accountability, and election information
that is transparent and with integrity. The COVID-
19 pandemic is endemic in the experience of
democracy in countries in the world conducting
elections during a global crisis. Like, [16], asked to
review the case of Spain 2020, where elections can
still be held during a crisis while still paying
attention to the comprehensive management of
elections and the organization of handling the
pandemic. However, the COVID-19 crisis has set
countries to accommodate health emergency
responses in the election calendar, while still
emphasizing the importance of the integrity of
organizers and candidates in the conduct of
elections, [17].
Meanwhile, [18], found problems related to the
impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the integrity
and accountability of electoral administration at the
global level. Their manuscript illustrates why
elections are at the heart of democracy. Then they
offer an electoral cycle scheme, the idea of a risk
matrix as a risk assessment tool, and propose
methods of mitigating electoral risk. Elections
during the COVID-19 pandemic need a
comprehensive solution – not a single one with
accurate calculations so that the quality of
democracy is maintained. Furthermore, each
country should prepare additional medium-term
plans to minimize risks. Ignoring the plan to
postpone the election during a crisis and how to
encourage voter participation from below is one of
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the moments of democratic certainty. Not much
different from the opinion of [15], they propose a
mixed voting system as a way out at this time, such
as voting at home (foreigners and 65 years old),
electronic voting, and finally, voters coming to the
place themselves. voting with strict health protocol
standards. On the other hand, delays require changes
to laws and regulations as legitimacy and this is a
deliberation between election stakeholders.
On the other hand, [19], reveal the case of the
2020 United States Presidential election and its
correlation with the crisis due to the COVID-19
pandemic. Their finding is surprising that there is a
correlation between Trump's failure and pandemic
mitigation behaviour. Strong evidence of these
failures concerns the no-isolation policy at home
during the pandemic and occurred in states that
Trump won in the 2016 US Presidential election.
Their study confirms that there is no correlation
between the downturn in America's economy and
Trump's failure. There is at least an explanation
consistent with these findings in that the electoral
sanctioned Trump for the way he ignored the
importance of the pandemic and drew widespread
criticism. Furthermore, [20], aligned with [19],
reiterate President Trump's failure story. Their study
analyzes public attitudes and global data on deaths
from COVID-19. Their findings illustrate the same
thing as the previous proposition, that Trump's
failure in the 2020 United States Presidential
election is confirmed because of his anti-isolation
policy at home. Regions of countries with high
mortality are less likely to vote for Trump in
elections. Of course, in the same context, [21],
described the politicization of health practices in the
2020 United States Presidential election. They
analyzed data from more than 67 million tweets.
They found public space groups who supported
wearing masks and voting through the ballot, as
well as conservative groups who pushed for anti-
mask narratives. Their study is very useful regarding
the construction of fake news as a warning to
democracy during a pandemic. The frequency of
fake news encouraging anti-masks has a bad
electoral effect on awareness of the importance of
mitigation in elections.
[22], analyze political beliefs and alignments of
national leaders to carry out policies to mitigate the
COVID-19 pandemic. They took a sample of eleven
countries that held elections in the spring of 2020.
Using comparative survey data, it was found that
contextual differences affect the justification of a
country's public health and economic actions. They
provide the option of public support depending on
the public's trust in national leaders who are fighting
for the handling of the pandemic. Meanwhile, [23],
describe the populist state model of governing in
crisis. This study addresses technocratic populist
policies in the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Their
findings are described in terms of three propositions,
such as, first, most populists leave no room for an
established and institutionalized critical response.
Second, populists are involved in formulating
unpopular but highly political policies. Third, there
is the politicization of medical expertise by populist
technocrats in the Czech Republic and Slovakia to
gain legitimacy from the people.
[24], linked the COVID-19 pandemic to Jokowi's
democratic pattern. He gave a tendency toward
Jokowi's populist agenda in the midst of handling
the pandemic that he had neglected his commitment
to upholding the politics of civil rights which he
considered the essential meaning of the quality of
Indonesia's democracy. Cases that are considered
non-democratic include Jokowi opening up access
to the military and intelligence services in public life
in the name of pluralism, and initiating sectarian
actions and intolerance towards the Islamic
community. Several things later that were
considered anti-democratic was the expansion of the
dynasty's power by supporting their children and in-
laws in the nomination for mayor. The conclusion
that can be given is that the COVID-19 crisis has
illustrated the defense of people's health but implies
a tendency to pass down a more securitized political
system and strengthen political dynasties.
Meanwhile, [25], in his article shows that the
success of controlling COVID-19 contributed to the
landslide victory of the ruling camp in the general
election on April 15, 2020, in North Korea. The
general election is a kind of “critical election” for
voters to decide which ruling party can overcome
the threat of the pandemic and solve it right away.
In the face of threats, people's preference is to
choose safe, risk-averse options. Before entering the
polling station, voters are checked for body
temperature, and hand hygiene and given a pair of
disposable plastic gloves. Indeed, there are no
reports of an increase in outbreaks triggered by the
election. The vote during the pandemic appears to
have had a certain impact and the results have
benefited the ruling party. This result is due to the
North Korean government's effective response to the
aftermath of the pandemic, [17].
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4 Indonesian Regional Head Election:
Rational Debate
Since Jokowi on April 13 announced that COVID-
19 had become a national disaster, which was
contained in Presidential Decree No. 12 of 2020.
Coinciding with the peaking crisis, Indonesia held
simultaneous regional elections which took place in
270 regions, including 9 provinces, 224 regencies,
and 37 cities. Speculation on democracy has led to
academic debates among scholars, regarding the
urgency of the local elections and the urgency of
handling the pandemic.
Scholars have begun to investigate public
perceptions regarding the implementation of
regional elections during the COVID-19 pandemic.
The study, [26], explains the public's perception
regarding the implementation of the regional head
elections (Pilkada) in Medan. With the multiple
regression test, it was found that 400 respondents
(36.36%) did not believe in the information released
by the media regarding the development of the
COVID-19 case and 553 respondents (50.30%)
wanted the elections to continue on the condition
that health protocols were implemented. Relatively
similar to the study of [27], in Central Kalimantan.
The survey results show that more than 50% of the
community agrees as long as it is carried out with
strict health protocols. Of course, the COVID-19
pandemic is still a mystification by some people so
they don't believe in media reports, and on the other
hand, people are used to elections. A study on
public perception was also conducted by [28], by
analyzing public perceptions of the 2020
simultaneous elections in Central Java. The results
show that voters have a negative image of the
incumbent who comes from the election-winning
party because they are considered to have failed to
handle the COVID-19 pandemic situation.
The analysis of [29], departs with a normative
juridical approach, to find out the impact of the
regional election during the COVID-19 outbreak.
According to them, it will not be a problem if the
local elections are still held to maintain the health of
democracy and the legality of local leadership. They
suggested that if implemented, all stakeholders
would ensure that the local elections are safe from
the spread of COVID-19 and provide strict
sanctions for violators of health protocols.
Meanwhile, [30], [31], describe the positive and
negative impacts if the local elections are still held.
The positive impact is that the constitutional
mandate is fulfilled and reduces the practice of
leadership by interim officials in the sub-national.
The negative impact is an increase in the
transmission of the COVID-19 outbreak, the
number of abstentions increases, Indonesia's
investment rating decreases, and it is prone to
politicization in the name of COVID-19. A study,
[32], shows that the pandemic is one of the factors
that put pressure on the global democracy index,
including Indonesia in 2020. Concerning the
implementation of the regional elections, some
predictions regarding the democratic impact of the
pandemic are indications of the abuse of the
incumbent's power, and the politicization of
COVID-19 social assistance.
Indeed, [33], explores media coverage and looks
at the phenomenon of the campaign team's agenda
and media agenda. Everything goes to its interests,
the campaign team focuses on winning candidates,
even though they have to violate health protocols
during the campaign, while the media is concerned
with valuable and sexy news to raise public
awareness, one of which is the violation of health
protocols by the campaign team. Aspects of public
awareness of health protocols can be affected when
the elections are held.
Constitutionally, the study of [34], shows that the
regional election during a pandemic is a government
scenario or what they call pandemic
depoliticization. The government implements
policies with a degree of prudence, but contradictory
as if seen as a tactical strategy. One of them is the
postponement of the election from September to
December 2020, [35], [36], [37]. The arguments for
the implementation of the Pilkada are related to the
government's reluctance to eliminate the
constitutional rights of citizens and some pressures
from regions that do not want to be led by the acting
governors, regents, and mayors. They conclude that
there has been a pathology of democracy and
political blame within the various authorities. This
argument is of course based that COVID-19 being
related to the safety of the Indonesian people, as the
holder of the legitimacy of the nation's political
rights. He called the regional elections during the
COVID-19 pandemic a democratic crisis because
the government did not make decisions on the
urgency of handling the pandemic crisis.
Meanwhile, [38], analyzes controversial
government policies from the perspective of the
antinomy of law and human rights. According to
them, there is an antinomy between aspects of
public health and political rights. Two conflicting
policies are enforced, on the one hand, the
government tries to guarantee political rights, and
on the other hand, guarantees the public's right to
health. Empirically, the conclusion of the antinomy
of the law is based on the results of his analysis, the
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policy on physical distancing in the PSBB
regulations and the Health Protocol as well as the
policy for holding the Pilkada related to voting at
polling stations during the pandemic.
Several parties consider that the government's
decision to hold elections during a pandemic does
not conflict with current regulations, namely Perppu
Number 2 of 2020 which is the third amendment
related to the election of governors, regents, and
mayors, [39]. Meanwhile, [40], shows that there is a
constitutional dilemma in the implementation of
regional elections in the COVID-19 era because the
government's concentration is to guarantee public
health rights. They predict that if it continues, it will
lead to low voter participation due to the social
restriction policy. This study proposes an alternative
election through representative democracy can be an
option, [41]. The prediction of the decline in voter
participation in the regional elections in Indonesia is
also confirmed in the Rosanti study, [42], by asking
the question of why the regional elections and the
pandemic are important elements of democracy.
According to him, the danger of COVID-19 will
prevent voters from casting their ballots at the
polling station (TPS) and in turn will affect the level
of voter turnout as a whole. According to him, the
entire election cycle can accelerate the growth of
new clusters of the pandemic.
Table 1. Voter Participation Rates in Pilkada in
Indonesia
Election Year
Participation Rate
2015
69.06%
2017
74%
2018
73%
2020
76.09%
Source: Indonesia General Elections Commission (KPU)
Predictions of the COVID-19 pandemic related
to the decline in voter participation in the 2020
simultaneous regional elections are counterfactual
and mystifying. Table 1 presents the participation
rates of 4 simultaneous regional elections in
Indonesia and shows something unusual. In 2018
there was a 1% decrease in voter participation from
2017 and this happened in the midst of Indonesia
experiencing various progress and a relatively
conducive situation. However, it is questionable
why the voter turnout rate has increased during a
crisis. Is the political culture of the Indonesian
people related to elections or local elections? Some
predictions by experts regarding the new cluster of
COVID-19 spread due to the regional elections,
declining voter participation and pessimism
regarding the implementation of the regional
elections have been refuted, [43], [44], [45], [46],
[47], [48].
Riris Andono Ahmad, Epidemiologist at Gadjah
Mada University also emphasized that it is difficult
to measure the increase in new cases of COVID-19
due to the simultaneous local elections. The reason
is that the process of holding elections takes place
over a long period and not only in the voting
process. Meanwhile, other factors, because
Indonesia is already in the red zone with a high
transmission rate, even without the elections being
held, the transmission rate always increases, [49].
Mahfud MD said that the 2020 local elections in
Indonesia had been successful. The indicator of
success is the increase in voter participation at 76%
(Table 1). Even the participation rate is above the
average voter participation in elections in America,
[50].
To borrow the anecdote that "Everything can be
arranged, but everything is hard to manage". He
used this to describe the mobilization of the
Indonesian people during the COVID-19 pandemic,
especially during the implementation of the PSBB.
Although in conclusion, it is not the people who are
difficult to regulate, the government that is difficult
to regulate the handling of COVID-19, [51]. On the
other hand, when we reflect on this anecdote in the
context of Pilkada, the reality is the opposite. It was
easy for people to come to the polling station even
without being mobilized. Implicitly, this fact shows
a picture of the political culture of the Indonesian
people. [52], described the dangers of COVID-19
being countered by holding simultaneous local
elections. At the local level, [53], focused on
examining the level of voter participation in the
Pandeglang Regency election during the COVID-19
pandemic. The results are astonishing that the voter
turnout has increased compared to the 2015
elections.
A study by [54], discusses the strategy of
regional heads to maintain a positive image as the
savior of the people in their next life. The COVID-
19 pandemic is not an obstacle for candidates to
promote themselves and gain votes. This incident is
taken in the context of Ponorogo and the City of
Surabaya. Still related to the image to be displayed
ahead of the election during a crisis. By framing
Erving Goffman, this study concludes that the
incumbents work as hard as they can to obtain a
positive image in handling COVID-19 to gain
sympathy in the elections. The incumbent sees the
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pandemic condition as a blessing and an opportunity
to show an image to the public that they have
successfully handled the outbreak in the region.
Similarly, the opinion of [55], is that the incumbent
seems to prioritize political interests by being
actively and passively involved in the distribution of
necessities, masks, and other personal protective
equipment. Actions taken with and on behalf of
COVID-19 are a way for incumbents to protect
themselves from practices that are contrary to
existing regulations, [56]. In a previous study, the
failure of the incumbent candidate in handling
COVID-19 reduced the level of electability in the
Pilkada.
5 Political Digitization
By looking at the condition of the COVID-19
pandemic and the trend of increasing cases in
Indonesia, [57], offers electronic elections or e-
voting. From his comparative study of countries that
have implemented an e-voting system, of course,
there are weaknesses and advantages to the
conventional election system. According to him, the
many advantages are budget efficiency and time
effectiveness of implementation, on the other hand,
the experience of countries that have implemented
this system is in security and vote secrecy because
they will have to deal with internet and big data
systems, especially data piracy and voter
manipulation, [58], [59], [60], [61]. Some of those
who offer e-voting are mainly blockchain-based in
voting so that voters no longer need to go to the
polls. This system is equipped with a cryptographic
protocol so that the voting data is very safe,
transparent, and not prone to manipulation. This
blockchain system is very appropriate to be applied
if there is a decision to continue to carry out
regional elections during a crisis, [62].
[63], examines the Twitter of the Perindo Party
and the Gelora Party accounts in political
campaigns. Through NVivo analysis, it is known the
Perindo and Gelora parties use Twitter social media
optimally for the 2020 regional election political
campaign. The intensity of the Gelora Party is
higher than the Perindo Party in using Twitter
media. Campaign content includes party activities,
public and party issues, COVID-19, and vision and
mission.
Another study related to the capability and
adaptability of election administrators in resolve to
the COVID-19 epidemic is found in the capabilities
of the South Sulawesi KPU. This capability is
demonstrated by the capacity to think ahead, think
again, and think cross-sectionally in responding to
the threat of the COVID-19 pandemic. Empirically,
in proving some of these capacities, it can be seen
from the way the KPU puts the safety of organizers
and voters to prevent the spread, reviews and makes
new policies for the implementation of regional
elections, and the KPU's willingness to study
comparatively with other countries that have been
successful in organizing elections in the era of the
COVID-19 pandemic, [64]. Furthermore, not only
the KPU, [65], discusses the obstacles to election
supervision in the regional elections in the pandemic
era, but it can still be done by updating the
supervision system with more prevention, outreach
to the public through online, maximizing the social
media owned by Bawaslu. District for stakeholder
coordination.
6 Conclusion
The study of the COVID-19 pandemic has been
widely discussed by scholars around the world from
various perspectives. This manuscript discusses
literature whose emphasis is more on the study of
pandemics with the study of electoral politics in the
world and specifically in Indonesia. From the
discussion, this manuscript concludes in four parts.
First, a study of countries in the world found that
policy responses to handling pandemics varied
depending on the contextualization of the country.
Countries with a high level of spread implement a
policy of lockdown, isolation at home, and
severance of transmission between regions.
Indonesia has a somewhat looser policy than other
countries, namely PSBB without stopping people's
economic activities. The opinion of scholars is
relatively the same that breaking the chain of virus
spread is carried out by limiting the mobility of
people within countries and between countries.
Second, the COVID-19 pandemic has had an
impact on political leadership and elections. Several
cases show that political leaders create opportunities
for medical politicization to instill in the public
understanding of the populist struggle of the state.
The crisis of the COVID-19 pandemic has
accentuated this trend, bequeathing a more
securitized political system, such as the addresses
given to the Czech Republic, Slovakia, America,
and Indonesia. On the other hand, people in most
countries are dichotomized into two partisans,
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namely those who support isolation at home and
those who do not support isolation at home. In the
case of the United States, voters may electorally
sanction Trump for his handling of the pandemic,
which is at odds with most of the world's countries
and has been widely and consistently criticized.
However, unlike in North Korea, the public sees the
successful handling of the pandemic as bringing
benefits and support to the ruling government.
Public approval of the measure hinged heavily on
their trust in national leaders, an effect that was
magnified for opposition voters.
Third, the election of regional heads
simultaneously with the crisis in Indonesia is
considered counterfactual. The lawsuit against the
policy for the implementation of the regional head
election is suspected by several calculations that
there is an increase in COVID-19 cases, low voter
turnout, declining investment ratings, declining
democracy index, politicization in the name of the
pandemic, subordination of public health rights,
legal antinomy, democratic pathology and abuse of
power. Some of the literature reviews electoral
opinions and public opinion strongly agrees that the
elections will be held while still ensuring security
and health protocols. On the other hand, the
community itself chooses candidates who have an
agenda for handling COVID-19 in their programs.
Of course, the foundation of Indonesian democracy
is built on the thoughts and opinions of the
Indonesian people about taking sides in the election.
The term counterfactual in this case does not imply
impartiality to the urgency of handling the pandemic
but is in alignment with the cries of the Indonesian
people as holders of legitimacy, such as their
opinion on the PSBB policy. The government's
courage to adopt policies to implement regional
elections during a crisis is a form of innovation
without calculation. The mystification is refuted by
the high turnout of Indonesian voters from the three
previous election periods. This figure shows a valid
picture of the political culture of the Indonesian
people.
Finally, the literature proposes recommendations
regarding the development of political digitization
in voting. It is very important to consider, especially
in future election regulations, that there are
considerations for crises. The modernization of
voting is highly dependent on Indonesia's readiness
in terms of technology, financing, human resources,
software, and the readiness of the community in
terms of technology literacy.
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