Slow Tourism: Crossing Emigrants Perceptions with Land-Uses in
Portugal Mainland
ROSSANA ANDREIA SANTOS
College of Technologies and Management, University of Madeira
University of Madeira, 9000-082 Madeira
PORTUGAL
and
CITUR-Madeira-Centre for Tourism Research, Development and Innovation
University of Madeira, 9000-082 Madeira
PORTUGAL
RUI ALEXANDRE CASTANHO
CITUR-Madeira-Centre for Tourism Research, Development and Innovation
University of Madeira, 9000-082 Madeira
PORTUGAL
and
Faculty of Applied Sciences, WSB University
41-300 Dabrowa Górnicza
POLAND
JOSE MANUEL NARANJO GOMEZ
Polytechnic School, University of Extremadura
10003 Caceres
SPAIN
and
CITUR-Madeira-Centre for Tourism Research, Development and Innovation
University of Madeira, 9000-082 Madeira
PORTUGAL
Abstract: Local communities' expectations and perceptions provide fundamental directions for sustainability
development. Bearing in mind the relevance of these premise, the current article intends to assess Portuguese
emigrants' intentions in public policies' territorial growth of low-density territories. Contextually, this
investigation has used direct and indirect research tools and methods as a questionnaire and Geographic
Information Systems (GIS). Throughout this research, it was possible to understand that public policies do not
consider it in the most needed areas of Portugal's mainland since are more related to tourism development and a
rural lifestyle.
Key-words: Return Migration; Spatial Analysis; Slow Tourism; Sustainable Development.
Received: March 5, 2021. Revised: January 14, 2022. Accepted: February 8, 2022. Published: March 14, 2022.
1 Introduction
Recognizing that the expectations and perceptions
of local communities provide essential directions for
sustainable development, this study aims to analyze
Portuguese emigrants' intentions of tourism
development, in public policies territorial
development of low-density territories. Therefore,
the study aims to answer the following research
question: Are the public policies considering the
expectations and perceptions of the potential return
emigrant populations towards the so-desired
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Rossana Andreia Santos,
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territorial development of sustainable tourism? In
this regard, the most recent data has shown that
Portuguese emigrants, with active age and a house
in their place of origin, have expressed their
intentions to return, invest and have a job in the
tourism sector and, at the same time, have a rural
lifestyle in Portugal.
In this scope, authors highlight that slow tourism is
a new path for sustainable tourism development.
This form of tourism was born in the 2000s and is
inspired by the slow food movement, that can occur
not only on the coast but also in inland rural and
urban areas [1]. Facing the needs of the new tourist,
the concept of holiday changes and the contact with
the territory, the landscape, and the local
communities are now the main benefits of the trip.
“Slow tourism reinforces the local and the
autochthonous culture; exchange with residents,
with their roots, with their language and customs
and lifestyle” [1]. Thus, this work will start by
addressing the slow tourism movement and its
relationship with sustainable tourism.
Nevertheless, the economic sustainability of slow
tourism is an issue that generates some academic
controversy. Thereby, the impact of return migration
of Portuguese emigrants on on their places of origin
will be the discussion focus of the following section.
Although literature has shown that return migration
can contribute to sustainable development, this is
not always the case. That is why this work consists
of analyzing past and present public policies of
territorial development in Portugal. Contextually,
the relevance of research’s methods chosen, through
the application of a questionnaire to Portuguese
emigrants, as well as the Geographic Information
Systems (GIS), will lead the discussion of section 5.
The results and their consequent discussion and
conclusions, as well as a closing chapter focusing on
the study limitations and future research lines, will
be addressed in the sections after.
2 Slow Tourism as a Path to
Sustainable Tourism
Slow Food Movement was founded in 1989 as a
protest to the proliferation of the fast-food industry
invading Europe [2]. Slow Food is not anti-
consumption or anti-capitalism and is predicated on
ethical modes of production and consumption, or
what its terms ‘eco-gastronomy and ‘virtuous
globalization’ [3-4]. Slow Food has spurred many
others, and their principles are the founder of all the
movements that arose subsequently [see, for
example, 5-7]. One salient offshoot is the advocacy
of slow travel as an alternative to mass tourism’s
fast-paced, escapist vacation. Embracing similar
sentiments to slow food’s culinary focus
concentrates on the enjoyment of the journey rather
than just physical travel as a mode of transport to a
destination [8].
Since the 1980s, the traditional mass tourist has
been increasingly replaced by post-modern tourists
who, through their leisure and vacation, search for
experience, diversity, and confirmation of their own
identity [9]. In this context, Hernandez-Mogollón et
al. [10] have argued that the traditional approach to
travel experiences through mass tourism is
unavoidably insufficient to fulfill the new
expectations of tourism activities and to ensure the
overall satisfaction of tourists. The growth of
alternative forms of tourism confirms the
importance of the dimension of consciousness, as
knowledge of self and others and as awareness of
the impact that the presence has on the environment
[10]. In other words, the new tourism is a response
to problems that have arisen from the previously
predominant mass tourism. “They include
environmental, social and cultural degradation,
unequal distribution of financial benefits, the
promotion of paternalistic attitudes, and even the
spread of disease [3].
The potential for tourism to contribute towards the
achievement of sustainable development and its
principles has been gaining momentum since the
1990s but not yet succeeded [11]. International
organizations [11] suggest that there is still a
misconception that only ecotourism can be
considered sustainable tourism, when in fact all
forms of tourism should move towards becoming
more sustainable by focusing on the three pillars of
sustainability: economic, environmental and
sociocultural. In this respect, much of the early
focus on slow tourism has generally supported the
concept with strong environmental arguments,
defending slowness as a valuable opportunity to
reduce the high pollution and carbon footprint of
tourism. Instead, the tourism industry has mainly
focused on the experiential and regenerative power
of the slow tourism experience [12].
When slow tourism appears in the first decade of
2000, it takes advantage of two innovations
produced a few years before. The first has to do with
the effort made regarding coastal sustainability in
the Mediterranean and the Caribbean area, as a
result of its massive tourism development in the
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1960s and 1970s [13-22]. Slow tourism movement
is a type of special interest tourism that can occur in
both rural and urban settings [2]. It is an outgrowth
of the socio-political ideology and consumption
practices of the Slow Food Movement. It has
developed as an alternative to or push-back against
the fast-paced, unhealthy, and unsustainable lifestyle
of modern society. In other words, slow tourism is
also a form of political consumption and a new form
of sustainable tourism development that is based on
the push-back from fast lifestyle, ideology and
consumption practices and not as an alternative to
mass tourism (e.g., the “soft/hard” dichotomy) [2].
The second innovation is based on the great
advances made around the quality of services and
the Servqual implantation [see, for example, 23-24].
Dickinson & Lumsdon and Miretpastor et al. [25-
26] have established the difference between slow
tourism and the traditional tourism model.
According to them, slow tourism refers to: i) slower
travel times; ii) a more comprehensive range of
modes including bus and train; iii) slowness; iv)
resource reduction; v) journey is the thing; vi)
localness; vii) authenticity; viii) unique; ix)
sensations; x) you make your journey; xi) vacation
rentals; xii) committed to local culture and history;
xiii) quiet; xiv) treat the tourist as a temporary
resident; xv) joining; xvi) as best as possible; xvii)
staying awhile; xviii) low carbon; xix) de-
commoditization; xx) slow food and beverages; and
xxi) discover.
The same authors have also argued that the opposite
of slow tourism is the standard model characterized
as: i) speedy transit; ii) prevailing modes of the car
and airline dominate; iii) immediacy; iv) resource-
intensive; v) journey is a corridor; vi) consumption
of many attractions; vii) standard; viii) replicable;
ix) miles; x) you by the journey; xi) hotels, resorts;
xii) indifferent to the local culture and history; xiii)
stressful; xiv) treat the tourist as a visitor; xv) see as
much as is possible; xvi) maximizing visits; xvii)
high carbon; xviii) commoditization; xix)
standardized hospitality dominates visit and xx)
visit.
According to Folgado-Fernandez [27] there are
three identifiable behavioral categories of what can
be termed slow tourism. Firstly, some studies focus
on modes of transport that have environmental
impacts and less travel (alternatives to air and car
travel). The second emphasizes better tourism
experiences, where visitors engage in a more
profound experience of place. The third focuses on
transport as a tourist experience. Others have argued
that slow tourism is better seen attitudinally rather
than as a category of behavior [10]. Fullagar et al.
[13] argue that yet there is a tension that is not easily
resolved within slow philosophies about the carbon
footprint created by air or car travel. In this context,
slow is not a simple answer to the broader issue of
predicted growth in global travel and middle-class
consumption in emerging economies [13].
[27] Molz argue that whether fast is seen as a
valuable attribute of the productive citizen or slow is
seen as a more centered or sustainable mode of
travel has less to do with speed itself, and more to
do with the way experiences and representations of
pace are shaped by race, class, gender, and
nationality. The author concludes that people “travel
for” is not necessarily arrive at a particular
destination, but to be on the road and in the world in
a particular way. What matters is not how fast or
how slow, but how we orient ourselves within the
complex temporal landscapes of travel, and how we
harness pace to make sense of ourselves, our travel
companions, and the world. In this context, the slow
tourists may choose a physically slower mode of
transport to facilitate the necessary deceleration or
may take solace in a flight that detaches them from
the stresses and strains of daily life and instead
offers an opportunity to become reconnected with
their thoughts [28-29].
According to Hernández-Mogollón et al. [30] the
critical question to pose is how slow tourism is
economically viable. These author argues that the
idea that consumers actively choose smaller
producers, over more corporate entities, assumes the
ability to afford the often-higher prices that local
retailers may charge for goods/services due to their
lack of economy of scale [10]. If we are what we
eat, then the same could be said of our travel choices
[31]. Slow tourism has inspired new ways of doing
business. However, it is not easy to quantify the
economic impact of this type of tourism since it is
an emerging market [32]. In any case, Miretpastor et
al. [32] argue that the numbers of slow movement
members, its variety and its rapid international
growth, does augur essential opportunities for the
tourism supply seeking a position in this market.
3 Return Migration and Portugal’s
Sustainable Development
Recognizing that slow tourism's economic
sustainability is an issue in the academic field, the
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impact of return migration on sustainable
development will focus on the present section
regarding the Portuguese emigrants' case.
Contextually, the factors that lead emigrants from
rural areas become agents of innovation and
promoters of the development of these regions, as
well as the factors that, in the past, have prevented
this development in Portugal will be discussed. In
this scope, the geographic areas under study are
emigrant's place of origin or rural areas. According
to the metadata of the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development and Portuguese
Statistical Institute, rural areas are communities'
areas with a population of 2000 inhabitants or less.
However, considering that it is not the purpose of
this study to differentiate rural areas' typologies, the
administrative division of Portuguese territory that
will be used is municipalities.
Thus, we will consider rural areas the Portuguese
municipalities with less than 6000 inhabitants (see
figure 1 in section 5.2). The economic decline, the
massive increase in unemployment, emigration,
desertification, adverse impacts of the restructuring
of agriculture, and the loss of cultural identity are
just some of the most common problems that those
areas face at the international level [33-35]. In this
scope, the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development [36] states that emigrants can
bring with them training, work experience, financial
capital, and entrepreneurship, and have social
capital obtained during emigration. Though, the type
of return migration addressed in this study refers to
the permanent return of migrants and its impact on
sustainable development.
In Portugal, the studies which have addressed this
issue evidenced that rural development did not occur
due to the lack of migration policy to take care of
the human and professional enhancement of
emigrants, return policy to report about the local
socio-economic alternatives of rehabilitation, and a
regional development policy that could stimulate
them [37-39]. Besides, cautious risk management
and the limited entrepreneurship capacity had
constituted additional barriers [38-40]. As Neto &
Neto [41] have already reported, most of the
research on Portuguese emigrant’s return impact on
sustainable development is scarce and belongs to the
80`s decade. In 2013, theoretical research conducted
by Santos [42] addressed the impact of Portuguese
emigrant’s return on their places of origin by
introducing a new variable, namely the development
of sustainable tourism. In section 5.1, the results
obtained will be fundamental to understand how
emigrants can impact the development of
sustainable tourism in Portugal.
4 Materials and Methods
This investigation required several procedures and
methods - involving direct and indirect research
procedures and tools. Therefore, the authors
dedicated much time and focused on the design of a
methodological section. The methodological section
was divided into two main sub-sections: (i) the
return migration impact on the development of
sustainable tourism; and (ii) defining the
demographic distribution of Portuguese population
by municipalities and the evolution of land uses
determined by the Corine Land Cover (CLC). We
were finalizing with the crossing of public territorial
policies, Land-Uses, and the perceptions of the
potential return emigrant populations on territorial
sustainable tourism development. Within these two
main sections other points were also analyzed - i.e.,
the thematic literature review, the case study area,
among several others.
The authors collected the data by reviewing
previous studies [42-44], and former analysis was
also carried out over the selected territory.
Moreover, GIS tools were applied allowing to get all
the land-use changes in Portugal mainland from the
period 1990-2018.
4.1 Return Migration and Tourism
Development in Portugal
In April 2008 a study has begun in Portugal, funded
by the National Foundation for Science and
Technology, in order to assess the expectations and
perceptions of Portuguese emigrants on the
development of tourism in their places of origin
[42]. The process of data collection had started in
the 1st July 2011 and ended on 31st October of the
same year, totalling at the end 5,157 filled and valid
questionnaires (view features of Portuguese
emigrants of the sample in Table 1). For the
preparation of the questionnaire, nominal scales,
checklists and ratio scales were used. Data analysis
was carried out by means of a quantitative
descriptive analysis (frequencies and crossings) and
tests of correlation of variables, as well as a
qualitative analysis through the application of
Student’s t-tests and ANOVA (Analysis of
Variance) tests (Kruskal Wallis and Mann Whitney)
[42].
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During the first two months - July and August, the
questionnaire was administered by post, internet and
the social network of Facebook. From the two
months immediately after - September and October,
the administration strategy of the questionnaire was
extended to creation and promotion of the study
Facebook Page (available at
www.facebook.com/emigrantesportugueses) [42].
The Page was disclosed, several times a day,
through International and Africa channels of
Portuguese media, namely radio and television [43].
In addition, the disclosure was also possible through
regional and international newspapers and through
e-mails sent to the General Director of Consular
Affairs and Portuguese Communities,
Consulates/Embassies, as well as associations and
football houses abroad [42].
Table 1. Features of the Emigration Sample
Year of Emigration
No.
%
Until 1974
741
14.4
1975-1984
516
10.0
1985-1994
769
14.9
1995-2004
1054
20.4
2005-2011
1997
38.7
Doesn’t Know/ Doesn’t Answer
80
1.6
Europe
3919
76.0
America
664
12.9
Africa
374
7.3
Asia
142
2.8
Oceania
30
0.6
Doesn’t Know/ Doesn’t Answer
28
0.5
Less than 1 year
814
15.8
1-4 years
1451
28.1
5-9 years
797
15.5
10-14years
403
7.8
15-19 years
275
5.3
20-24 years
328
6.4
25-29 years
222
4.3
30 or more years
819
15.9
Doesn’t Know/ Doesn’t Answer
48
0.9
Municipality with highest centrality index
2466
47.8
Municipality with smallest index of centrality
2575
49.9
Doesn’t Know/ Doesn’t Answer
116
2.2
France
86
26.1
Angola
77
23.3
Mozambique
44
13.3
Switzerland
26
7.9
Germany
18
5.5
South Africa
12
3.6
Remaining Countries
65
19.7
Doesn’t Know/ Doesn’t Answer
2
0.6
Source: Santos, 2013
4.2 The use of Geographical Information
Systems
Several tools, such as the CORINE LAND COVER
Land Use Database (CLC), are used to carry out the
work. The Corine program was launched in 1985
when the European Community Council decided to
start “a pilot project for data collection,
coordination, and homogenization of information on
the state of the environment and the natural
resources of the community.” This program includes
the LAND COVER project, which was designed to
provide regular and homogeneous geo-referenced
information on land use in each member state of the
European Community.
Beyond the elaboration of a map of land occupation
for a given moment, the objective of this work is to
establish a permanent inventory of data, numerical
and cartographic, that provide information regarding
the territory's uses and characteristics. Over time, to
adapt to circumstances, some updates occurred in
the years 1990, 200, 2006, 2012, and 2018. It can
now be defined as an up-to-date European database
providing information on land use and cover, with
44 different classes. Thereby, firstly, the continental
Portuguese area was used to clip the CLC Land
uses, and after that, by means selection queries,
every land use was selected using the class code.
Secondly, the area by every land use was calculated
by using the geometry of each representing polygon
of each land use. After, the land used was
summarized. Thus, the area for every land use was
possible to be determined.
5 Empirical Findings
The present section shows the results obtained from
the analysis of the survey directed to the impact of
returning Portuguese emigrants on sustainable
tourism development in their places of origin
(section 5.1), and the outcomes of the land-use
changes in Portugal mainland and the demographic
distribution of Portuguese population by
municipalities (section 5.2).
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5.1 Return Migration and the Development
of Sustainable Tourism in Portugal
In section 2, it was emphasized that slow tourism is
a path to sustainable tourism development.
Nevertheless, despite its low environmental and
socio-cultural impact on territories and
communities, economic sustainability is also crucial
(sections 2 and 3). Thus, in this section, it is argued
that the return of Portuguese emigrants can be a
vehicle to slow tourism economic viability, since to
the impact on consumption it is joined the impact on
production because are locals who return and not
just their savings and consumption models.
Additionally, the opening of business is very
dependent on external funds (Jenkins & Hall, 1998),
and the potential return of emigrants can also
contribute positively to entrepreneurship in rural
areas. A study conducted in Portugal, through the
application of an inquiry to 5157 Portuguese
emigrants, testifies this argument [42].
In this regard, the respective results evidence that
Portuguese emigrants (of the younger half of
working-age) can become the promoters of
sustainable tourism development in their places of
origin. They were thereby ensuring that the impacts
produced can improve their quality of life [42]. The
related evidence also shows the intention of those
Portuguese emigrants, aged between 29-39 years
and with a house in a rural area of Portugal, to
return to their places of origin, invest and have
employment in the area of tourism (see tables 2-5).
The same Portuguese emigrants would like to have a
rural lifestyle on their return to Portugal (Table 4)
and have enough capital to invest in a business in
Portugal (Table 6). Besides, we can conclude that
after 2013, no other study evaluated the impact of
Portuguese return migration on “rural”
development. For this reason, data of this study
remains current and valid [43].
Table 2. Municipality of house in Portugal
Municipality of house
No.
%
Highest centrality index
1,109
21.5
Smallest index of centrality
3,989
77.4
Doesn’t Know/ Doesn’t Answer
59
1.1
Total
5,157
100.0
Source: Authors, 2013
Table 3. The Pearson correlation test
P7 Municipality of house in
Portugal
No.
690
P21 Desire to return and
settle in Portugal
Pearson
Correlation
-0.007
Sig. (2-tailed)
0.710
No.
2,806
P28 Desire to have a job
in the tourism sector in
Portugal
Pearson
Correlation
-0.037
Sig. (2-tailed)
0.050
No.
2,806
P49 Have sufficient
capital to invest in a
business in Portugal
Pearson
Correlation
0.059**
No.
5,157
*. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-
tailed).
Source: Authors, 2013
Table 4. Municipality of house in Portugal vs. Most
important factors for returning and settle in Portugal
%
P22 If you decide to return to Portugal, what
could be more important to you?
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
Highest centrality
index
18.
2%
19.
4%
16.
3%
18.
6%
17.
1%
10.
5%
15.
5%
16.
0%
Smallest centrality
index
81.
0%
79.
9%
83.
3%
80.
9%
81.
3%
82.
3%
89.
3%
83.
8%
84.
0%
Doesn’t Know/
Doesn’t Answer
0.8
%
0.7
%
0.4
%
0.5
%
0.7
%
0.6
%
0.3
%
0.7
%
-
A: Have a job opportunity; B: Have income
opportunities; C: Have a rural lifestyle; D: Live
near my family of Portugal; E: Exist infrastructures
for living and investing in a business at the place of
origin; F: Exist infrastructures for living and
investing in a business at the place of origin; G:
Have a house in the place of origin; H: Be able to
exercise a paid activity, on their own, in the tourism
sector; I: None
Source: Authors, 2013
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Table 5. Municipality of house in Portugal vs. area/s where emigrants would like to invest in Portugal
Source: Authors, 2013
Table 6. Municipality of house in Portugal vs. Sufficient capital to invest in a business in Portugal
%
P49 Have sufficient capital to invest in a business in Portugal
Total
Yes
Maybe
No
Doesn’t Know/
Doesn’t Answer
Highest centrality index
4.2%
7.2%
5.4%
4.7%
21.5%
Smallest centrality index
12.9%
24.4%
28.7%
11.3%
77.4%
Doesn’tKnow/ Doesn’t Answer
0.1%
0.3%
0.2%
0.5%
1.1%
Total
17.2%
31.9%
34.3%
16.6%
100.0%
Source: (Authors, 2013)
Given the fact past evidence of the Portuguese
emigrant’s return on sustainable development did
not occur (see section 3), the aim of the next
sections will consist of analyzing public policies
considering the expectations and perceptions of
Portuguese emigrants towards the so-desired
territorial sustainable tourism development. The
Geographic Information Systems will be the
privileged method to support it.
5.2 The Land-Use Changes in Portugal
mainland in the Period 1990-2018, and the
demographic distribution of Portuguese
population by municipalities using
Geographic Information Systems (GIS)
based on CORINE Data
This section explains the demographic distribution
of Portuguese population by municipalities (Figures
1 and 2) and the evolution of land uses determined
by the Corine Land Cover (CLC) (Table 7) for the
Portugal Mainland in the period 1990-2018 (Tables
8 to 10). Therefore, to obtain valuable data for this
typology of research, through the use of GIS tools,
the authors developed the cartographic maps
regarding the demographic distribution of the
Portuguese population by municipalities (Figure 1).
In figure 1, it is possible to understand the few
municipalities that have overpopulation, and they
are solely located in the regions of the two major
Portuguese cities: Lisboa (Portuguese Capital City)
and surroundings; and Oporto and surroundings.
Highest
centrality
index
Smallest
centrality
index
Doesn’t
Know
Doesn’t
Answer
P26
Area/s where emigrants would like to invest in Portugal
a) Agriculture
18.1%
81.2%
0.7%
b) Forestry (forest)
16.6%
82.9%
0.6%
c) Fisheries
20.2%
78.8%
1.0%
d) Livestock
15.6%
84.4%
-
e) Hunting
26.3%
73.7%
-
f) Extractive industry (mining, oil, wood and paper)
23.2%
75.9%
0.9%
g) Manufacturing
18.2%
81.0%
0.9%
h) Construction
20.7%
78.7%
0.6%
i) Energy production
18.8%
80.8%
0.4%
j) Trade
18.2%
81.2%
0.5%
l) Tourism (hotels, restaurants, transportation, cultural
services, etc.)
15.5%
83.9%
0.6%
m) Transport
14.7%
84.9%
0.4%
n) Financial Activities
20.2%
78.5%
1.4%
o) Other
17.6%
82.4%
-
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Fig. 1: Demographic distribution of the Portuguese population by municipalities
Source: Authors
Fig. 2: Portuguese municipalities with less than 6000 inhabitants
Source: Authors
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Jose Manuel Naranjo Gomez
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Table 7. CLC nomenclature Source
Level 1
Level 2
Level 3
1 Artificial surfaces
11 Urban fabric
111 Continuous urban fabric
112 Discontinuous urban fabric
12 Industrial, commercial and transport
units
121 Industrial or commercial units
122 Road and rail networks and associated land
123 Port areas
124 Airports
13 Mine, dump and construction sites
131 Mineral extraction sites
132 Dump sites
133 Construction sites
14 Artificial, non-agricultural
vegetated areas
141 Green urban areas
142 Sport and leisure facilities
2 Agricultural areas
21 Arable land
211 Non-irrigated arable land
212 Permanently irrigated land
213 Rice fields
22 Permanent crops
221 Vineyards
222 Fruit trees and berry plantations
223 Olive groves
23 Pastures
231 Pastures
24 Heterogeneous agricultural areas
241 Annual crops associated with permanent crops
242 Complex cultivation patterns
243 Land principally occupied by agriculture, with significant
areas of natural vegetation
244 Agro-forestry areas
3 Forest and semi-
natural areas
31 Forests
311 Broad-leaved forest
312 Coniferous forest
313 Mixed forest
32 Scrub and/or herbaceous vegetation
associations
321 Natural grasslands
322 Moors and heathland
323 Sclerophyllous vegetation
324 Transitional woodland-shrub
33 Open spaces with little or no
vegetation
331 Beaches, dunes, sands
332 Bare rocks
333 Sparsely vegetated areas
334 Burnt areas
335 Glaciers and perpetual snow
Source: Authors
Table 8 is shown the analysis of the behavior of
artificial surfaces. In general, artificial surfaces
mainly the land uses: 111 - Continuous urban
fabric; 121 Industrial or commercial units; 122 -
Road and rail networks and associated land; 124
Airports; 131 Mineral extraction sites and 142 -
Sport and leisure facilities, increased. Regarding
the land uses that shown a decrease, 112
(Discontinuous urban fabric) is the one that
decreased with more evidence.
Table 8. Percentage of artificial surfaces according
to Corine land cover nomenclature for Portugal
Mainland in 1990, 2000, 2006, 2012 and 2018
The highest values found are in bold.
Source: Authors
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If we focus on Table 9, it is possible to verify that
the land uses related to agricultural areas have
increased the uses: 212 - Permanently irrigated
land; 221 Vineyards; 223 - Olive groves; 231 -
Pastures; 242 - Complex cultivation patterns; 244 -
Agro-forestry areas. The more significant decrease
was identified in land uses 211 - Non-irrigated
arable land; 241- Annual crops associated with
permanent crops and 243 - Land principally
occupied by agriculture, with significant areas of
natural vegetation.
Table 9. Percentage of agricultural areas according
to Corine land cover nomenclature for Portugal
Mainland in 1990, 2000, 2006, 2012 and 2018
The highest values found are in bold.
Source: Authors
Regarding forest and semi-natural areas (Table 10),
we only observe increases in the land uses: 334
Burnt areas - a very pessimistic indicator in the
authors' opinion. All the other land uses related to
forest and semi-natural areas decreased in the
period 1990-2018; mainly the land uses: 311 -
Broad-leaved forest; 312 Coniferous forest; 313
Mixed forest; 321 Natural grasslands; 322 - Moors
and heathland; 323 Sclerophyllous vegetation -
(which is another concerning indicator from an
ecological and environmental perspective).
Table 10. Percentage of forest and semi-natural
areas according to Corine land cover nomenclature
for Portugal Mainland in 1990, 2000, 2006, 2012
and 2018
Code
1990
2000
2006
2012
2018
311
15,24
15,67
13,05
13,49
9,74
312
6,95
6,70
4,05
4,08
3,26
313
3,32
3,35
3,14
3,18
2,43
321
2,02
1,85
0,80
0,79
0,43
322
5,61
3,79
3,88
3,89
5,08
323
5,16
4,98
4,54
4,51
4,83
324
10,58
12,96
21,02
20,53
20,97
331
0,06
0,05
0,05
0,05
0,05
332
0,14
0,09
0,01
0,01
0,01
333
0,83
0,94
0,63
0,63
0,39
334
0,88
0,48
0,18
0,17
2,50
The highest values found are in bold.
Source: Authors
6 Discussion and Conclusions
The empirical study presented in this article is quite
illustrative that, despite the actual expectations and
perceptions of Portuguese emigrants regarding
sustainable territorial development in their places
of origin, the evolution of land-use changes
(between 1990 and 2018) has shown that public
policies are not considering it in the most needed
areas of Portugal. In fact, the analysis of Portugal's
mainland's demographic distribution has shown a
considerable disparity of territorial development
between coast and inland. In contrast, the most
recent and related data evidence that Portuguese
emigrant's expectations and perceptions are more
related to tourism development and a rural lifestyle
in their places of origin that are, at the same time,
the rural areas or peripheral territories of Portugal.
Even if the land-use changes (between 1990 and
2018) reveal a continuous increase of artificial
surfaces, especially related to the continuous urban
fabric, industrial or commercial units, and a more
significant decrease of land principally occupied by
agriculture, in a decrease of significant areas of
natural vegetation. Moreover, during the same
period, data also evidenced a decrease regarding
forest and semi-natural areas, especially due to the
increase of burnt areas.
The traditional and social metamorphosis that
Portuguese mainland territories have felt through
time should also be considered for the obtained
results. Simultaneously, the land use, changes, and
regional landscapes, urban and rural, result from
policies and administrative actions leading to
strengthening urban settlements giving them the
flexibility that they grant as a consequence of
territorial strategies. Even if all the above premises
are correct, the territorial management and
governance should be rethought from a multivariate
perspective to plan the territories according to the
actual necessities and at the same time move
towards sustainable regional development.
7 Study Limitations and Future
Research Lines
Even if this research extends our understanding and
knowledge concerning the most prominent insights
provided by the local communities' expectations
Code
1990
2000
2006
2012
2018
211
15,47
13,80
12,00
11,58
7,97
212
0,66
1,59
1,58
1,55
1,76
213
0,19
0,13
0,07
0,07
0,06
221
1,49
1,63
1,66
1,68
1,69
222
1,21
1,31
0,70
0,71
0,88
223
3,74
3,59
4,05
4,44
4,60
231
0,26
0,28
0,92
0,95
4,59
241
2,35
2,22
1,47
1,46
1,27
242
4,32
4,10
4,27
4,27
4,38
243
7,90
7,38
8,08
8,05
7,45
244
10,36
11,53
11,58
11,56
13,26
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DOI: 10.37394/232015.2022.18.36
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and perceptions that should be considered to
achieve the so-desired regional sustainable
development from a spatial socio-economic and
politicalstrategic perspective, significant
prospects of future research are yet required.
Issues as the ones covered in this article as
emigrant fluxes, their perceptions, expectations as
well as the territorial dynamics itself are evolving
all the time [44-47]. Hence, a close monitoring
process should be conducted, especially in some
insular territories where tourism is already in
development, so we can learn even more insights
concerning this problem.
Besides, if more advanced statistics were used, the
results could be even more reliable. In this regard,
also the comparison with the Spanish territories
could be seen as interesting study to obtain even
more outcomes about this topic.
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Sources of Funding for Research Presented in a
Scientific Article or Scientific Article Itself
Our thanks also to the project Projeto Turismo:
caraterização, impacto e sustentabilidade do
turismo da Madeira (M1420-01-0145-FEDER-
000007), co-financed by the Madeira Program 14
20, Portugal, 2020, and the European Union,
through the European Regional Development Fund,
which belongs to the ResearchGroup CITUR,
Madeira, Centre for Tourism Research,
Development and Innovation.
This study is funded by national funds through FCT
Portuguese Science and Technology Foundation,
within the project reference UIDB/04470/2020.
The authors also thank the "Tourism Project:
Characterization, Impact and Sustainability of
Madeira Tourism", co-financed by the Operational
Program of the Autonomous Region of Madeira
2014-2020 (Portaria nº 92/2015), M14-20-01-0145-
FEDER-000007, of the University of Madeira).
Also, our thanks to the project of the Minister of
Science and Higher Education titled “Regional
Initiative of Excellence” in 2019-2022, project
number 018/RID/2018/19, the amount of funding
PLN 10 788 423,16”
Conflicts of Interest
The authors declare no potential conflicts of
interest with respect to the research, authorship,
and/or publication of this article.
Creative Commons Attribution License 4.0
(Attribution 4.0 International, CC BY 4.0)
This article is published under the terms of the
Creative Commons Attribution License 4.0
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Rossana Andreia Santos,
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E-ISSN: 2224-3496
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