Corruption Prevention in Legislative Drafting in Indonesia
BAYU DWI ANGGONO
Faculty of Law
Universitas Jember
Sumbersari, Jember, East Java 68121, Indonesia
INDONESIA
ROFI WAHANISA
Faculty of Law
Universitas Negeri Semarang
Gunung Pati, Semarang, Central Java 50229
INDONESIA
Abstract: - Corruption not only happens in the implementation of legislation or policy (administrative
corruption) but also in the process of legislative drafting (state capture). Since the establishment of the
Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), many members of the House of Representatives (DPR), the
Regional Legislative Council (DPRD), or government officials have been arrested and convicted of criminal
acts due to legislative corruption. In legislative corruption, the actors involved consist of the interest parties and
lawmakers. The interest parties attempt to obtain political, economic, and social benefits (supernormal profits)
from the formulated legislation. To the same extent, the lawmakers expect the money or other personal benefits
from the interest parties in return for the assistance given. Legislative corruption will lead to disorganized
policy implementation, loss on the national economy, public distrust of the law-maker institutions, and long-
term effect of distrust of law and democracy. Several prevention strategies of legislative corruption can be
employed by improving four principles of legislative drafting: management, professionalism, justification, and
public participation.
Key-Words: - Prevention, Corruption, Legislation, Legal Drafting, Politics of Law, Indonesia
Received: May 14, 2021. Revised: November 12, 2021. Accepted: December 17, 2021. Published: January 13, 2022.
1 Introduction
Corruption still becomes the biggest problem for
many countries in achieving prosperity [1]. The
government of Indonesia also acknowledge that
corruption is a great enemy in realizing
development as stated in the 2015-2019 National
Medium-Term Development Plan (RPJMN). In the
The International World classifies corruption
into two types: state capture and administrative
corruption. The World Bank defines state capture as
the actions of individuals, groups, or firms in both
the public or private sectors to influence the
formulation of laws, regulations, decrees, and other
government policies to their own advantage as a
result of the illicit and non-transparent provision of
private benefits to public officials [2]. In contrast,
administrative corruption refers to the provision of
such benefits to influence how these established
rules are implemented.
On the one hand, state capture simply can be
regarded as giving a bribe to state officials in
drafting or making policies such as legislation or
provisions in order to benefit a particular party.
Administrative corruption, on the other hand, is
giving a bribe to state officials in
implementing/carrying out policies in order to give
advantages for a particular party.
Both types of corruption can always be found in
government. This follows George Jellinek’s notion
that government literally has two meanings: formal
meaning and material meaning. In formal meaning,
government holds governing power (verordnung
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documents of 2015-2019 RPJMN, it is stated that
corruption still is a serious challenge for development
in Indonesia because it massively restricts the
effectiveness of mobilization and allocation of
development resources in reducing poverty and
developing infrastructures. Moreover, corruption
desperately hinders the achievement of sustainable
development and prompts negative effects for the
society. Therefore, corruption can be categorized as
an extra-ordinary crime.
gewalt) and decision-making power (entscheidungs
gewalt). Conversely, government in material
meaning has two elements: governing and
implementing [3]. Based on this classification, it can
be implied that government also involves governing
power in terms of making regulations. This
corresponds to the notion given by Van Wijk and
W. Konbelt, stating that implementation (uiting) can
refer to issuing provisions, other real actions, or the
following regulations.
The terms state capture’ and ‘administrative
corruption’ are also relevant to be used in Indonesia.
It follows the fact that various cases of corruption
handled by law enforcement officers included these
types of corruption. Based on the data from the
Corruption Eradication Commision (KPK), from its
establishment to December 31, 2018, the agency has
been handling corruption cases that consisted of:
initial investigation on 164 cases, investigation on
199 cases, closing address on 151 cases, permanent
legal binding (inkracht) on 106 cases, and execution
on 113 cases [4]. These cases involved 229
members of the House of Representatives (DPR)
and the Regional Legislative Council (DPRD), 20
governors, and 91 mayors and regents.
The cases handled by the KPK involve
procurement of goods and services, licensing,
bribery, levy, misuse of budget, money laundering,
and upholding the verdict from the KPK. Regarding
the bribery case, there are at least two categories of
bribery: bribes given to state officials in
implementing policies and the ones given to state
officials in drafting policies (legislation).
An example of bribery in the implementation of
policies was the case of Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq, which
happened when he still served as a member of the
House of Representatives. In a legally binding court
judgement, the Chairman of the Supreme Court
(MA) sentenced him to 18 years’ imprisonment as
he had transactional relations and misused his
position to get money from a beef businessman. The
bribe was aimed to increase the import quota of beef
for the businessman [5 – 7].
In addition, bribes given to the state officials in
drafting policies, especially legislation, can also be
found in central and regional levels. One example of
this bribery was the case regarding the formulation
of Law of Bank Indonesia (BI). In this case, a large
amount of money (IDR 31.5 billion) taken from the
Indonesian Banking Development Institute was
distributed to some members of the House of
Representatives to maintain BI’s interest in
discussing an amendment of Law of BI and
addressing issues on the Bank Indonesia Liquidity
Support (BLBI). Some members of the House of
Representatives such as FPG Hamka Yandhu,
Anthony Zeidra Abidin, and the others were
convicted of bribery in this case [8].
Corruption in legislative drafting also happens on
a regional level. An obvious example was the case
of 41 members of the Malang Legislative Council
who were suspected of receiving grants to ease the
discussion on the draft of bylaw regarding the 2015
revised regional budget (APBD-P) [9]. A similar
case was also found in Jambi where 12 members of
the Jambi Legislative Council were convicted of
receiving a varied number of bribes. The bribes
were aimed to make the speaker and the members of
the Council approve the draft of bylaw regarding the
2017 and 2018 regional budget [10].
The loss caused by state capture was massive. It
is not only because of the loss on the national
budget, but it also leads to high cost of economy,
loss on the national economy, obstruction in
reducing poverty, public distrust of the law-maker
institutions, and long-term effect of distrust of law
and democracy [11 - 13]. According to this
description, in order to prevent the negative effects
of state capture, especially in legislative drafting,
prevention strategies need to be developed. In
addition to prosecution, the strategies can be geared
towards means of encouraging prevention aspects.
Therefore, this study attempts to discuss: 1) how the
problems in legislative drafting in Indonesia are,
especially in terms of legislative corruption, and 2)
how strategies are employed to prevent corruption
in legislative drafting in Indonesia.
2 Requirements of Good Legislative
Drafting
Establishment of a product of legislation involves
three interrelated corridors: administration corridor,
academic corridor, and politics corridor [14].
Administration corridor refers to compliance with
provisions regarding the process of legislative
drafting. Academic corridor means that legislative
draft must be academically accountable. Politics
corridor is not only related to a political institution,
but legislative draft interchangeably must be able to
receive and correspond to public aspirations.
Otto et al. [15] summarize five theories
describing configuration of factors and actors in
legislative drafting. They consist of synoptic-phases
theory, agenda-building theory, elite ideology
theory, bureau-politics theory or organizational
politics theory, and four rationalities theory. In the
synoptic-phases theory, the process of legislative
drafting is illustrated as a well-organized process
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from its decision making which gives direction to
the society as a whole. According to this theory,
policies are developed under the supervision from
politically accountable institutions which have
particular roles, where political actors refer to those
who are accountable for determining the contents of
the legislation. On the contrary, in the agenda-
building theory, legislative drafting is described as a
disorganized process elicited from a social process
in which ideas contradict different interests. In this
case, the parties having interests seek to gain access
to political agenda in order to offer a concept of
controlling legislation.
In the elite ideology theory, the process of
legislative drafting is motivated by the ambition of
political elite inspired by jargon, values, or new
principle (informing principle) from more
developed or modern countries/society to be applied
to their society which are not involved in the
formulation of legislation. Unfortunately, the jargon,
values, ideology, or new principle (informing
principle) are generally not relevant to the social
reality so that eventually they just lead to resistance
and even stagnation. In the bureau-politics theory or
organizational politics theory, the process of
legislative drafting is not established based on
rational formation or a process encouraged by the
society, but it is just a competition of authority
between state organizations. In discussing
legislative draft, the variety of tasks and control
range of each institution prompts sectoral ego
among the institutions when the discussed issue is
within their range.
In the four rationalities theory, laws and
regulations have four dimensions, and each of which
has their own rationality. These four dimensions
consist of: political dimension, legal dimension,
economic dimension, and scientific dimension.
They sometimes work jointly or separately, or even
they reduce one another. In developing countries,
political dimension generally tends to be dominant
than the others because political institutions have
significant impacts in people’s lives.
The state’s authority in legislative drafting
basically needs to be accompanied by various
requirements of good legislative drafting. This is
based on several considerations. First, as legal
products, laws and regulations are heavily
influenced by politics, especially in the drafting
process. Mahfud [16] argues that legislative
drafting, in fact, tends to make political decisions
rather than carry out legal works. The influence of
politics in legislative drafting will not cause
problems when the political configuration is
democratic as the character of legal products
presented are likely to be responsive/populist.
However, it will bring problems if the configuration
is authoritarian because the legal products tend to be
conservative/orthodox/elitist.
Second, the laws that contain legislation is a
legal governing instrument in a country. In this
position, laws have the power to force the society.
Regarding the existence of laws in the society,
Kusumaatmadja [17] states that the main objective
of laws is to guarantee order, justice, and certainty.
Therefore, laws work as a system which stimulates
and governs people’s lives.
Due to such characteristic, laws are regarded as a
governing tool which can make a social change. In
this position, laws can eventually arise from two
contrary sides. Laws can be a legal tool for an
authoritarian regime to govern the society arbitrarily
and unjustly. Conversely, laws can create justice for
the society and control the authority from being
arbitrary. As a result, several requirements are
needed to prevent legislation which governs the
society arbitrarily and unjustly.
Third, according to Niemivuo [18], it is
important to give attention to legislative drafting
because the contents of legislation influence not
only the decision makers but also all of the most
important functions of society. Niemivuo [18]
further explains:
The most fundamental structures of society and
the most important norms of behaviour are laid
down by legislation. In its entirety, legislation
reflects society its decision-makers and civil
servants. Statutory law has an effect at least
indirect on all the most significant functions of
society. Since an important part of social
development is planned through legislative
drafting, special attention should be paid to the
quality and development of legislative drafting.
Fourth, it is needed to ensure that the legislation
made can be understood correctly and acceptable to
the majority of public as the objects of the
legislation. It is because the objects vary from those
studying laws to experts [19]. There are good people
who will try to understand legislation and those with
bad intentions in understanding legislation. Hence, it
is needed simple legislative drafting with proper and
suitable language composition so that everyone can
understand the terminologies correctly.
Good legislative drafting should be based on
empirical studies by involving active public
participation. By implementing those elements,
legislative drafting not only represents decision
makers’ top-down interests but also reflects public
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aspirations in influencing the process of policy
making [20].
In addition to those four considerations, good
legislative drafting, especially in Indonesia, is
important in order to achieve the objective as a
welfare state, which is a constitutional mandate and
needs to be formulated and implemented in state
administration practice. Consequently, the state’s
responsibility in realizing government is to achieve
the national objectives [21].
In addition, in a welfare state intervention from
the state/government in various life aspects of the
society is unavoidable. In this case, the intervention
must be formulated in the form of laws or
legislation that force the society in both national and
regional levels. Thus, realizing state administration
cannot be separated from policies formulated in
legislation and implemented in actions. There are
many reasons underlying the importance of
developing the quality of legislative products in
both national and regional levels. It is because the
development dynamics of Indonesian society is
quite rapid in all sectors including social, political,
legal, living environment, education, and defence
and security sectors.
Regarding the requirements of good legislative
drafting, Attamimi [22] divides legal principles in
legislative drafting into two: (1) formal legal
principles and (2) material legal principles. Formal
legal principles are related to ‘how’ a regulation is
implemented, while material legal principles refer to
‘what’ a regulation contains. According to Attamimi
[22], formal legal principles consist of: 1) the
principle of clear objective; 2) the principle of
necessity of regulation; 3) the principle of right
organ/institution; 4) the principle of proper content
materials; and 5) the principle of applicability. On
the other side, material principles involve: 1) the
principle of accordance with the ideals of laws and
fundamental norms of the state; 2) the principle of
accordance with the national laws; 3) the principle
of accordance with the national principles based on
laws; and 4) the principle of accordance with
government principles based on the constitution.
Stijn Debaene et al. [23] state that there are
criteria (principles) that determine the quality of
legislation. The criteria are classified into formal
and material criteria. On the one hand, formal
criteria are about the contents. On the other hand,
formal criteria are related to structure and design.
Material and formal criteria have different
procedures in the drafting process. Material criteria
deal with preparation tasks in the drafting process
such as definitions, problems, problem analyses,
generating alternative solutions, etc. On the
contrary, formal criteria refers to phases in the
drafting process where the norm contents turn to a
well-organized legislation draft. Several examples
of material criteria are clear objective, applicable
enforcement, effectiveness and efficiency,
consistency and compatibility with the principles of
legal certainty, and equal rights. Examples of formal
criteria are normative character, comprehensibility,
publicity, and regulations in a proper level.
Van der Vlies and Doludjawa [24] distinguishes
principles in drafting good national regulations
(beginselen van behoorlijke regelgeving) into
formal and material principles. Formal principles
include: 1) principle of clear objective (beginsel van
duidelijke doelstelling); 2) principle of the right
organ/institution (beginsel van het juiste organ); 3)
the principle of necessity of regulation (het
noodzakelijkheidsbeginsel); 4) the principle of
enforceability (het beginsel van uitvoerbaarheid);
and 5) consensus principle (het beginsel van
consensus). Material principles comprise of: 1) the
principle of clear terminology and system (het
beginsel van duidelijke terminology en duidelijke
systematiek); 2) the principle of recognisability (het
beginsel van de kenbaarheid); 3) the principle of
legal equality (het rechtsgelijkheids-beginsel); 4) the
principle of legal certainty (het
rechtszekerheidsbeginsel); and 5) the principle of
the individual administration of justice (het beginsel
van der individuele rechtsbedeling).
3 Corruption in Legislative Drafting in
Indonesia
Based on Law No. 31/1999 juncto Law No. 20/2001
on Corruption Eradication (Law of Tipikor), there
are 30 types of corruption. All of those types
basically can be further classified into seven major
types: i) state financial loss; ii) bribery; iii)
embezzlement; iv) extortion; v) fraud; vi) conflict of
interest in a procurement; and vii) gratification.
Based on the recapitulation of corruption in
Indonesia, the KPK divides corruption into five
categories: corruption based on institution, based on
types of case, based on profession/position, based
on permanent legal binding (inkracht) case, and
based on region. The recapitulation aims to provide
a brief report on the KPK’s performance in
enforcement practice. The recapitulation is also
reported and renewed periodically.
Table 1. Corruption based on institution
No
Institution
Year
2016
2017
2018
2019
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1
The House of
Representatives
(DPR) and Regional
Legislative Council
(DPRD)
3
15
9
4
6
2
Ministry
21
39
31
47
42
3.
State-Owned
/Region-Owned
Enterprises
(BUMN/BUMD)
5
11
13
5
17
4
Commission
0
0
0
0
0
5
Provincial
Government
18
13
15
29
4
6
District/City
Government
10
21
53
114
51
Total
57
99
121
199
120
Source: [25]
Table 2. Corruption based on position
No
Position
Year
2019
2018
2017
2016
2015
1.
Members of the
House of
Representatives
(DPR) and Regional
Legislative Council
(DPRD)
10
103
20
23
19
2.
Chief of
Institution/Minister
2
1
0
2
3
3.
Ambassador
0
0
0
0
0
4.
Commissioner
0
0
0
0
0
5.
Governor
1
2
1
1
3
6.
Mayor/Regent and
Vice Mayor/Regent
14
30
13
9
4
7.
Echelon I/ II/ III
Official
14
24
43
10
7
8.
Judge
0
5
3
1
3
9.
Prosecutor
3
0
1
3
0
10.
Police
0
0
0
0
0
11.
Lawyer
1
4
0
1
2
12.
Private Official
49
56
28
28
18
13.
Others
32
31
13
21
3
14.
Corporation
1
4
1
0
0
Total
127
260
123
99
62
Source: [25]
Table 3. Corruption Based on Types of Case
No
Case Type
Year
2015
2016
2017
2018
2019
1.
Procurement of
Goods/Services
14
12
15
17
17
2.
Licensing
1
1
2
1
0
3.
Bribery
38
79
93
168
97
4.
Levy
1
1
0
4
1
5.
Misuse of Budget
2
1
1
0
2
6.
Money Laundering
1
3
8
6
3
7.
Upholding the
Verdict from KPK
0
0
2
3
0
Total
57
99
121
199
120
Source: [25]
With regard to the statistical data from the KPK
above, it can be seen that corruption in legislative
drafting moves from the executive to parliament. It
cannot be separated from normative reality about
the shift of power in law making from the President
to the House of Representatives. Corruption and
power can be illustrated as two sides of the same
coin. Corruption always follows power, and
conversely power becomes a starting point for
corruption practice [26]. Law No. 12/2012 on
legislative drafting stipulates that legislative drafting
includes several stages: planning, drafting,
discussion, ratification or establishment, and
passage. Each stage has a vulnerability level to the
possibility of corruption practice in legislative
drafting.
Corruption within the scope of legislation often
involves law and bylaw transactions. Mahfud [16]
states governing means upholding constitution, and
upholding constitution means complying with laws.
In order to achieve the national objectives and
ideals, it is required to comply with laws, and at
least there are two essential things in complying
with laws: “making” laws which are abstract (in
abstracto) and “implementing” or enforcing
legislation into the real practice (in concreto).
Mahfud [16] further argues there are four mistakes
in law making: First, there are political trade-offs
between politicians or political organizations in the
law-maker organizations. Despite taking dislikes,
the trade-offs can be understandable. Second, there
is a lack of knowledge among the law or bylaw
makers. It also becomes understandable that the
members of the parliament are chosen because of
great political support, not because of their
capability and professionalism. Third, there is a
minor technical problem. For instance, an article X
is supposed to be further regulated in the
government regulation, but it is written article Y.
Such problem can be understood. However, when it
has been already established, the correction requires
not only renvoi but also legislative review or
judicial review. Fourth, there are transactions of law
or bylaw contents in order to obtain illegal benefits
from particular articles in the laws or bylaws. It is
obvious that the suspects have been listed by the
KPK and/or in the court verdict. Most of them are
sentenced to prison, including those in both central
and regional levels.
One of the examples of corruption involving
officials in legislative drafting is the case of
Murman Effendi, the regent of Seluna regency
Bengkulu, and some members of Seluma Regional
Legislative Council in 2010 [27]. The case began in
the end of 2010 when Murman Effendi had a
meeting with some members of the Council to
discuss a bylaw draft (Raperda) on budget increase
for building road and bridge infrastructure with
hotmix construction through the implementation of
multi-year work for 5 fiscal-year period. In that
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meeting, the regent promised an amount of money if
the draft was approved by the Council.
After the draft got the approval from the Council,
on December 8, 2010 the regent established it as the
Bylaw No. 12/2010. The regent then deliberately set
PT. Puguk Sakti Permai (PT. PSP) as the winner of
the multi-year project tender that was ratified in a
work agreement on March 15, 2011 on the
development and urban planning of Tais as the
capital of Saluma with hotmix road construction
with contract value of IDR 338 billion.
On March 25, 2011 the regent held a meeting
with the members of the Council, Erwin (the
Chairman of Public Works Office), Mirin (the
Chairman of Legal Affairs), and Ali (the Director of
PT. PSP) to discuss the proposal of revising the
Bylaw No. 12/2010. The regent said that the bylaw
was revised due to a change. Initially, the roads of
Datuk - Simpang Enam were supposed to be
widened and divided into two ways by using
national roads. However, because of unfavorable
natural conditions (soil condition and settlement),
the roads needed to be moved to the southern
direction from Talang Dantuk village by building
new roads leading to budget increase.
In that meeting, the regent fulfilled his promise
to give the money to 27 members of the Council as
they approved the revision of the Bylaw No.
12/2010. The money was given in the form of
cheque for IDR 50 million and additional fee of IDR
1-1.5 million to every member of the Council for the
plenary meeting discussing the change.
Then, on March 30, 2011 within one day all
fractions of the Council approved the revision, from
the Bylaw No. 12/2010 to the Bylaw No. 2/2011,
increasing the budget from IDR 360 billion to IDR
381 billion. On April 4, 2010 the regent ratified the
Bylaw No. 2/2011 on budget increase for building
road and bridge infrastructure with hotmix
construction through the implementation of multi-
year work for 5 fiscal-year period. On April 7 and
12, 2011 the regent realized his promise to give the
amount of money of IDR 50 million to the members
of the Council through Ali.
Because of the conduct, the Corruption Court
(Tipikor), through the Judgement No.
75/Pid.B/TPK/2011/PN.JKT.PST February 21, 2012
sentenced the non-active regent, Murman Effendi, to
2 years’ imprisonment and IDR 100 million fine of
3 months’ imprisonment subsider. The judgement
was supported by the Jakarta High Court through
the Judgement No. 20/Pid.B/TPK/2012/PT.DKI
May 9, 2012. In the end, the judgement became a
permanent legal binding (inkracht) when the
Supreme Court rejected Murman Effendi’s appeal
through the Judgement No. 1391K/Pid.Sus/2012
August, 9 2012.
The speaker/deputy speakers and the members of
the Council were also given sentences. In this case,
the speaker of the Council, Zaryana, was sentenced
to 4 years’ imprisonment and IDR 200 million fine
of 2 months subsider [28]. Besides, the deputy
speakers of the Council, Jonaidi Syahri & Muchlis
Tohir, were sentenced to 4 years 6 months’
imprisonment and IDR 200 million fines of 3
months’ subsider by the Panel of Judges of the
Jakarta Corruption Court on February 13, 2014 [29].
Pirin Wibisono was one of the members given the
sentence. He was sentenced to 4 years’
imprisonment and a fine of IDR 300 millions of 3
months’ subsider on December 19, 2013 [30].
Corruption practice involving law makers and a
private party also happened in DKI Jakarta in 2016.
This case involved the chairman of Commission D
of the DKI Jakarta Regional Legislative Council, M.
Sanusi, who was caught in the act on March 31,
2016 after receiving a bribe related to discussion on
bylaw drafts (Raperda) on Jakarta’s 2015-2035
coastal area and small-offshore island zoning and
spatial planning of Jakarta north-coast strategic area.
A bribe of IDR 2 billion was given to Sanusi by the
director of PT. Agung Podomoro Land, Ariesman
Widjaja [31].
This bribery case began when PT. Kapuk Naga
Indah, which was the subsidiary of Agung Sedayu
Group corporation, PT. Muara Wisesa Samudra, PT.
Agung Dinamika Perkasa, and PT. Jaladri Kartika
Pakci who’s the majority of the shares were owned
by PT. Agung Podomoro Land Tbk and PT. Jakarta
Propertindo were selected as the holders of principal
agreement on reclamation of Jakarta north coast.
These corporations required a bylaw on spatial
planning of Jakarta north-coast strategic area
(RTRKSP Jakarta) as a legal basis to put up
buildings on the reclamation lands [32].
The bribe given to M. Sanusi was intended to
ease the discussion on the bylaw draft of RTRKSP
Jakarta. In addition, M. Sanusi was expected to
eliminate the article regulating 15% contribution
from taxable value of property (NJOP) of the lands
sold. In order to grant the request, on March 7, 2016
M. Sanusi called Heru Wiyanto, the chairman of
legislative affairs of DKI Jakarta Regional
Legislative Council Secretariat, to submit the bylaw
draft of RTRKSP Jakarta February 22, 2016. At that
time, M. Sanusi gave Heru handwriting regarding
the changes on the Article 110 section (5) letter c on
that contribution.
Because of his conduct, the Jakarta Corruption
Court had proven that Sanusi received a bribe of
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IDR 2 billion from the boss of Agung Podomoro
Land, Ariesman Widjaja. The money was related to
the discussion of the bylaw draft of RTRKSP
Jakarta in the Council’s Legislation Agency
(Balegda) of the Jakarta Regional Legislative
Council. Sanusi was sentenced 7 years’
imprisonment in the first level court. The prosecutor
then appealed, and the sentence was added into 10
years’ imprisonment. This judgement was supported
by a cassation decision. In the judicial review (PK),
the sentence was reduced into 7 years’
imprisonment [33]. At the same time, the bribe
provider, Ariesman Widjaja, was sentenced to 3
years’ imprisonment and a fine of IDR 200 millions
of 3 months’ subsider. The judge panel of the
Jakarta District Corruption Court believed that
Ariesman was proved to have given a bribe of IDR
2 billion to M. Sanusi regarding the discussion on
the bylaw draft of spatial planning of Jakarta north-
coast strategic area [34].
4 Corruption Prevention Strategies in
Legislative Drafting in Indonesia
Regarding law enforcement in corruption practice,
the Indonesian government have made various
means to eradicate corruption and save the state
finance. Different products of legislation,
institutions, and special teams have been established
to eradicate corruption entirely. Corruption is a
serious threat which not only damages many sectors
of the national economy, but it also affects the
international economic system and weakens
democratic and justice values in all countries [35].
Muladi [36] states that law enforcement in
corruption prevention depends on formulation,
application, and execution stages. The application
stage of law enforcement is a sophisticated process
because it involves many parties (e.g., police,
attorney, court, correctional institutions, and legal
advisors) who have different perspectives in
achieving the objective. These stages are considered
satisfactory in terms of their formulation,
accountability system, mechanism, and
implementation rules. Law enforcement involves at
least 2 meanings [16]. First, it refers to the
settlement by the court and law-enforcement
officers on a sued conflict or violation. Second, it
refers to the implementation of legislation in
everyday activities by the authority or government
bureaucracy officers. In fact, law enforcement both
in settling a conflict in the court and in
implementing legislation in daily life is still
infiltrated by corruption, collusion, bribery,
extortion, etc.
From the discussion on corruption and
prevention strategy in the framework of legislative
drafting in Indonesia, the corruption in the House of
Representatives not only occurs in realizing
budgeting function but also in legislative function
[37]. Corruption, according to the World Bank, is
categorized into two types [38]: administrative
corruption and state capture. The former involves
deliberate actions in hindering the implementation
of policy, decision, or provisions of legislation in
order to obtain individual advantages. The latter
refers to individual, collective, or corporal actions in
both public or private sectors in influencing
legislative, decision, or policy drafting in order to
benefit the involved parties. In other words,
administrative corruption occurs in the context of
the implementation of policy, decision, or
provisions of legislation, while state capture occurs
in legislative, decision, or provision drafting.
Shift of corruptive behavior in legislative
drafting from the executives to parliament cannot be
separated from the normative reality about the shift
of power in law making from the President to the
House of Representatives. As corruption and power
work like two sides of the same coin, corruption
always follows power, and conversely power
becomes a starting point for corruption practice
[39].
Legislative drafting ideally consists of three
points principles of good legislative drafting, 2)
good legal politics (national legislation), and 3)
proper legislative assessment [40]. Law No. 12/2011
stipulates that legislative drafting involves several
stages: planning, formulation, discussion,
ratification or establishment, and passage [26]. Each
stage has a vulnerability level to the possibility of
corruption practice in legislative drafting.
With regard to those stages, the model proposed
by Klitgaard et al. [39] can be adopted to minimize
the possibility of doing corruption in legislative
drafting. The model embraces four principles:
management, professionalism, justification, and
public participation. Management is a very
important aspect. The problem of integration
between the institutions responsible for ensuring
that legislative drafting follows the guidelines as
stated in Law No. 12/2011 must be solved
immediately. The notion of establishing an
institution in legislative drafting such as a national
regulatory center or national regulatory organization
needs to be realized.
Professionalism is realized through technical
skills in legislative drafting. Drafting also aims to
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explain and express the lawmakers’ intention.
Therefore, professionalism is extremely needed. In
addition, independence in drafting and harmonizing
legislation must be guaranteed through laws in order
to resist intervention from a particular interest.
Justification means that various interests in
legislative drafting can be minimized by
strengthening the position of academic scripts
including draft of laws or bylaws. The academic
scripts must be restored from their function as just a
formality in fulfilling the requirements of law and
bylaw drafting to a justification of the importance of
legislation as well as guidelines on content drafting
in legislation. If there is a proposed content which is
irrelevant to the philosophical, juridical, and
sociological principles in the academic scripts, the
proposal must be rejected.
The next aspect is public participation. Law No.
12/2011 states that transparency is one of the
principles which must be followed by every
lawmaker. The law stipulates that individuals or
groups who have an interest in the draft substance
are allowed to give input verbally or in writing form
through public hearing, work visit, socialization,
seminar/workshop/discussion. However, Law No.
12/2011 still does not specifically regulate on which
stage the participation takes place and how the
mechanism works. Therefore, formal guidelines
need to be developed regarding how lawmakers
guarantee the participation given can influence the
contents of legislative draft.
Participation or public involvement in the
process of making public policy, public policy
program, and public decision as well as its reason
(in the context of legislative drafting) is one of the
characteristics of a democratic state [41].
Participation can be interpreted as involvement or
taking part in an activity, starting from the planning
to evaluation. Public participation in the process of
legislative drafting can be categorized as political
participation. Huntington and Nelson [42] define
political participation as private citizens’ activities
which attempts to influence decision making by the
government.
Participation also needs to be encouraged by
transparency in the process of legislative drafting
[43]. According to Law No. 12/2011, in order to
disseminate information regarding the activities
carried out by the House of Representatives and
government from formulating national legislative
programs, drafting laws, discussing drafts, and
passage, lawmakers must provide information
and/or receive input from the public and
stakeholders as a part of public participation [44].
The lawmakers can use advanced technologies to
provide information regarding legislative drafting
transparently and receive public aspirations through
an online system. For instance, a draft can be
accessed in real time, and everyone is allowed to
give input. The discussion can also be carried out
transparently by broadcasting it through the
government’s and/or the House of Representatives’
platforms.
5 Conclusion
The international world classifies corruption into
two types: state capture and administrative
corruption. State capture refers to giving a bribe to
state officials in drafting or making policies such as
legislation or provisions in order to benefit a
particular party. Administrative corruption, on the
other hand, can be regarded as giving a bribe to state
officials in implementing/carrying out policies in
order to give advantages for a particular party. The
terms ‘state captureand ‘administrative corruption’
are also relevant to be used in Indonesia because
one of the cases handled by the KPK is bribery -
giving a bribe to state officials in implementing and
formulating policy in the form of legislation.
Corruption within the scope of legislation often
involves law and bylaw transactions. The
transactions are aimed to obtain illegal advantages
from infiltrating particular articles into laws or
bylaws. An example of the transaction was found in
Seluma, Bengkulu in 2010 which involved the
regent of Seluma and some members of the Seluma
Regional Legislative Council in bylaw drafting, in
which bribes were given by a private party having
interest in the content of the draft. A similar case
also happened in DKI Jakarta in 2016 which
involved some members of the DKI Jakarta
Regional Legislative Council and a private party
who gave bribes as the contents of the bylaw draft
were considered disadvantageous for its business
interest.
A model developed by Klitgard can be adopted
in Indonesia in preventing legislative corruption.
The model consists of four principles: management,
professionalism, justification, and public
participation. The principle of management can be
realized by establishing an institution in legislative
drafting such as a national regulatory center or
national regulatory organization. In terms of
professionalism aspect, in addition to improving
technical skills in legislative drafting, lawmakers’
independence in formulating and harmonizing
legislation must be guaranteed through laws in order
to resist intervention from a particular interest.
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Justification can be carried out by restoring the
function of academic scripts from just a formality in
fulfilling the requirements of law and bylaw drafting
to a justification of the importance of legislation as
well as guidelines on content drafting in legislation.
Finally, in terms of public participation formal
guidelines regarding how lawmakers guarantee
public participation needs to be developed. The
guidelines also guarantee how the participation
given can influence the contents of legislation.
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Contribution of Individual Authors to the
Creation of a Scientific Article (Ghostwriting
Policy)
Bayu Dwi Anggono: conceptualization, formal
analysis, methodology, writing - original draft and
writing - review & editing.
Rofi Wahanisa: data curation, formal analysis,
validation and writing - review & editing.
Sources of Funding for Research Presented
in a Scientific Article or Scientific Article
Itself
The authors declare there is no potential conflict of
interest.
Creative Commons Attribution License 4.0
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This article is published under the terms of the
Creative Commons Attribution License 4.0
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